Plus, full coverage of Osama bin Laden.
The killing of Osama bin Laden has greater potential to change the Democratic Partyâs reputation on national security than any single event since Vietnam. It almost perfectly rewrites the narrative of Democratic weakness that Republicans have labored decades to build.
Gallery: Whoâs Left in al Qaeda

First, the view that Democrats wonât use force. This was never true. Bill Clinton, after all, sent troops to Haiti, and bombed Bosnia and Kosovo. But barely anyone remembers those missions and because their rationale was humanitarian, they made the Democrats seem like armed social workers. The bin Laden operation, by contrast, was pure testosterone. Once U.S. intelligence tracked bin Laden to his compound, Obama chose the most aggressive optionâa commando attackârather than missile strikes, even though it risked U.S. deaths or hostages. In the mountains of Tora Bora, itâs worth remembering, George W. Bush made the opposite choice: deploying Afghan rather than American forces because he feared American casualties. And bin Laden got away.
⢠The Daily Beast's Complete Osama bin Laden CoverageSecond, the view that Democrats pray at the altar of international institutions and international law. Nonsense. Democrats are surely more multilateral than Republicans, but Clintonâs Kosovo war lacked United Nations approval and when U.N. Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali didnât comply with American dictates, the Clinton administration unceremoniously dumped him. Obama has dramatically increased drone attacks, in Afpak and beyond, which shred international law. And this attack was so unilateral that we didnât even consult with the âallyâ on whose territory we carried it out. When Obama said he would strike in Pakistan without its permission during the campaign, few believed him; it didnât play to type. Now itâs more likely they will.
Gallery: Navy SEALS

Third, Democrats canât get along with the military. This stereotype contained more truth. Vietnam did alienate the military from liberals, particularly after George McGovern endorsed an amnesty for those who avoided the draft. Jimmy Carterâs failed Iranian hostage rescue symbolized a military that had been allowed to atrophy. And from gay soldiers to charges about his own draft dodging, Clinton fought a culture war with Americaâs warrior class that lasted his entire presidency. Obama, by contrast, is now fused in the public imagination with the most successful American military operation since Inchon. Symbolically, itâs the opposite of the Carter Iran mission; in fact, itâs Americaâs Entebbe. Had it happened a few weeks later, Fox News would be insisting it was all David Petraeusâ doing. Instead, Obama gets all the credit. Sean Hannity is reduced to complaining that Obama gave bin Laden an Islamic burial.
With the exception of his decision to surge in Afghanistan, Obamaâs foreign policy has been reasonably good. Heâs avoided the disastrous missteps that often plague new presidents. But until Sunday, his foreign policy had lacked âJacksonianâ appeal. Walter Russell Mead calls âJacksonianismâ (after Andrew Jackson) the foreign policy ethic born in the Indian wars of the American frontier. Itâs populist, parochial and ferocious. Jacksonians donât want to redeem the world; theyâd just as soon ignore it. But when foreign threats emerge, they demand shock and awe.
Thatâs what Obama has now given them. Heâs provided a âU.S.A., U.S.A.â moment at a time when Americans hadnât had one for a long time. Three days ago, Republicans were getting ready to run against him for supposedly pursuing a foreign policy doctrine of âleading from behind.â Now all those generalities have evaporated. Obama has inoculated himself against charges that heâs soft on national security in a more visceral way than any Democrat in decades. Even getting out of Afghanistan will be easier now. Does he deserve all the praise heâs getting? Not quite; this was more a triumph for intelligence and Special Forces than for Obamaâs foreign policy strategy. But for decades, Democrats have taken undeserved abuse. There will be less of that now, and for a long time to come.
Peter Beinart, senior political writer for The Daily Beast, is associate professor of journalism and political science at City University of New York and a senior fellow at the New America Foundation. His new book, The Icarus Syndrome: A History of American Hubris, is now available from HarperCollins. Follow him on Twitter and Facebook.