Welcome to Trail Mix. See something interesting on the trail? Email me at jake.lahut@thedailybeast.com.
This week, we look at Nikki Haley’s dim prospects for picking up GOP establishment support, not that she wants any. Plus, Chris Christie gets dumped by his fellow anti-Trump governor named Chris, and Republicans sound off on Vivek Ramaswamy.
Without a little help from my friends
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MANCHESTER, New Hampshire — For the first time in her months of toiling on the campaign trail, Nikki Haley had some backup.
“It doesn’t get any better than this,” Haley told a crowd at a public park ski lodge in New Hampshire's biggest city on Tuesday. “To go and get endorsed by the Live Free or Die governor is about as rock-solid of an endorsement as we could hope for.”
By her side stood New Hampshire Gov. Chris Sununu, the popular home-state governor finally making his anticipated endorsement in the 2024 Republican primary.
“Now that I’ve endorsed Nikki,” Sununu told reporters afterwards, “I don’t know why anyone else is running.”
The support from Sununu is a clear sign of momentum building for Haley’s bid. And paradoxically, he might be the last big-name backer she collects before Iowa and New Hampshire hold their primary contests in January.
Though Haley is consolidating her status as the top GOP challenger to Donald Trump, a MAGA-wary party establishment is set to remain on the primary sidelines despite seemingly waiting for a candidate just like her.
In Congress, Haley has thus far secured the endorsement of just one House member, fellow South Carolinian Ralph Norman, and zero senators. Rep. Mike Lawler (R-NY) privately endorsed Haley at a fundraiser, according to audio obtained by Politico, only for his office to later walk it back.
A few notable former officials are on board: former Speaker Paul Ryan is behind Haley, as is former Rep. Will Hurd, who ran a brief 2024 campaign himself.
Trump, by comparison, has 18 senators and 89 representatives behind him, including Speaker Mike Johnson (R-LA) and members of his leadership team. The former president picked up six lawmakers’ endorsements in the past week alone. Ron DeSantis, whose bid has stalled compared to Haley, still counts six House members in his camp.
After basking in the spotlight with Sununu on Tuesday, however, Haley didn’t sound like a candidate who is keeping track. Asked by The Daily Beast in a press availability when the congressional cavalry will arrive, Haley said she hasn’t looked for the support of GOP officials in the first place.
“I haven’t gone out and tried to get all those endorsements any more than I’ve tried to get state house endorsements,” Haley said, arguing that congressional endorsements “don’t mean anything,” and she wouldn’t “waste my time” chasing after them.
Campaigns love to tout endorsements when they have them and discredit their importance when they don’t. But for Haley, whose chances at really contesting the nomination hinge on showing momentum—and signaling to Republican voters that it’s safe to support her—it’s true that winning public support from notable leaders will be essential.
Still, the response is part of a broader strategic pivot from Haley, one that could actually be helpful for her campaign. Often hit with the much dreaded “establishment” moniker from Republican critics, Haley is increasingly framing her candidacy as an insurgency against said establishment.
For the Haley-curious looking to hop off the Trump train, it’s exactly the right note to hit.
“There is no cavalry coming,” a former Trump administration official who’s considering backing Haley told The Daily Beast, requesting anonymity to speak candidly. “And that’s a good thing.”
“Republican voters do not want a D.C. or any establishment figure telling them who to vote for,” the Trump alum continued. “Nikki has put herself in the second-place position through her own hard work—by campaigning hard, being sharp in debates and in person.”
The Capitol Hill charm offensive, the ex-Trumpworld source said, can wait.
“She needs to continue to introduce herself to voters in an authentic way and continue to build the bond with voters in early states,” they said.
Despite her rising status, Haley has kept her messaging on Trump the same, saying one of her “hard truths” is how he was “the right president at the right time,” and that she “had a good working relationship with him when I was in his administration.”
But thus far, Haley’s approach to Trump hasn’t provided enough cover for GOP elected officials—many of whom live in fear of a MAGA primary threat—to feel comfortable supporting her.
Take Lawler, running for re-election in a New York district Joe Biden won by over 10 points in 2020, who privately said he “personally would like to see Nikki Haley as our nominee.” His campaign manager later issued a statement clarifying the congressman “has not made, and does not intend to make, an endorsement in the Republican presidential primary.” (Notably, Lawler reportedly faces a potential primary challenge from William Maloney, an associate of Steve Bannon.)
Haley’s supporters have tried to recruit other Republicans, to no avail. According to Politico, Ryan recently texted his fellow Wisconsin Republican, Rep. Mike Gallagher, telling him “now is the time for a guy like you to endorse.”
Gallagher, a respected lawmaker with cred on China and national security, would be exactly the type of figure whose support boosts Haley’s bid. But a Gallagher spokesperson affirmed to Politico that he, too, has no intention of endorsing in the primary.
Haley, who often emphasizes her unlikely victories earlier in her political career, told The Daily Beast she sees endorsements this time around the same way she did when she launched her longshot South Carolina state house and gubernatorial bids in the early 2000s.
“I don’t go asking for politicians’ endorsements,” Haley said as Sununu loomed over her left shoulder. “I want real people’s endorsements. Those are the only ones that matter. Not the talking heads.”
Christie's 'buddy show' ends
LONDONDERRY, New Hampshire — As Chris Christie worked a packed American Legion hall Wednesday night, something was missing.
For one, he thought he was at a Veterans of Foreign Wars hall instead.
“Great to be at the VFW, a place I was eight years ago,” Christie said before members of the crowd corrected him. “American Legion? I said VFW. American Legion, sorry. I was at the American Legion eight years ago, here.”
More importantly, someone was missing.
“If Chris wanted to support me, I would’ve been happy to accept his support—but I would’ve known exactly what it meant: it meant one vote,” Christie said, referring to the New Hampshire governor who had just endorsed Haley. “And it would’ve been nice to hang around with him, and it would have been nice to do a buddy show like he and Nikki are doing.”
But the voters of New Hampshire, he insisted, won’t let their vote be determined by the governor most of his supporters trust and like very much.
Three weeks ago, Christie and Sununu had campaigned together. An endorsement would have given a Christie campaign betting everything on New Hampshire a fresh shot of momentum.
Still warming his ears from a stint outside of a local Market Basket grocery store ringing the Salvation Army bell, Christie showed less holiday cheer and more introspection at his first appearances since missing out on the crucial endorsement.
Christie said his father watches all of the livestreams of his campaign events. He reflected on not running for president in 2012, waxing philosophical about how “I didn’t understand how unready I was when I said I was unready.”
“I really don’t worry about being loved anymore,” Christie said at another point. “That doesn’t mean I don’t wanna be—please love me. I really want you to. But I’m not worried about it anymore. What I know is, I am who I am and that I’m comfortable with that—and I’m comfortable that I’ll be some people’s cup of tea and I won’t be for others.”
Christie continued to try his best not to seem mad about the snub as the smell of overcooked chicken wings wafted over from the buffet table in the Londonderry hall.
But the “buddy show,” as he put it, was over.
Sununu did not call Christie to give a heads-up about his decision to endorse Haley, a slight that Christie said is “not how I would have done it.” The New Jerseyan might have been even more offended by Sununu’s quip that everyone else but Haley should drop out.
“That’s said by somebody who’s never run for president,” Christie said. “And he should know better. It’s not his job to tell anybody when to get out.”
“I’m not going anywhere,” Christie said shortly before heading back into the cold. “So let’s be really clear about that."
Vivek backstage
Vivek Ramaswamy’s run for president has accomplished two things for the thirtysomething “anti-woke” crusader.
A lot more people know who he is—and a lot more people wish they didn’t.
At four primetime GOP primary debates, Ramaswamy gleefully embraced the role of a pro wrestling villain, taking gratuitous shots at his rivals and moderators, all while lapping up the boos and applause. Some of his rivals—chiefly Haley and Christie—can’t hide their disdain at this point.
But Ramaswamy’s always-on persona and ability to hog a conversation in private settings planted the seeds of discontent much earlier in the primary.
Christie called him “the most obnoxious blowhard in America” at the fourth debate last week, and at a recent stop in New Hampshire, he joked that Ramaswamy is the same in public as he is in private.
That’s where opinion on Ramaswamy differs. Some Republican campaign trail veterans in early states have found him insufferable, while others have found his willingness to frequent their venues endearing.
“He’s the most arrogant son of a bitch I’ve ever met,” an early-state Republican strategist told The Daily Beast, requesting anonymity to speak candidly about private conversations with Ramaswamy at so-called cattle call events, where multiple candidates gather at one venue for a series of speeches.
Making basic small talk and pleasantries with Ramaswamy, the Republican said, can quickly become a nightmare.
“If you say hello, have a nice day, you’ll get a diatribe,” the GOP organizer said. “The guy has to be the authority on anything and everything.”
Other hosts, such as Neil Levesque, executive director of the Institute of Politics at Saint Anselm College—a staple of the New Hampshire primary—said Ramaswamy has always been a polite guest, even if he can get a little fired up once he starts talking.
“I had him way before, when he was the author of [his book, Woke Inc.],” Levesque said. “I’ve had him during COVID, I’ve had him on multiple occasions here. He’s nothing but a very gracious and energetic person. And he takes a lot of time with individual voters, so for me, what I’ve seen with Vivek is a really natural candidate who’s interested in people.”
The early state GOP organizer initially had a similar opinion. “In the beginning, people either liked him or they got away from him,” the Republican said.
The Ramaswamy campaign took issue with anyone griping about the candidate anonymously.
“If you’re going to talk shit, do it while shaking my hand and looking me in the eye,” Ramaswamy campaign spokesperson Tricia McLaughlin told The Daily Beast. “Have some respect for yourself, coward.”
Ultimately, the early state GOP strategist said, Ramaswamy began to get under people’s skin simply by not being a very good hang. Then the debates happened, and it escalated from there.
“Vivek always has to be the loudest person in the room,” the host said. “He never talks quietly, and he will interrupt you at any time and just take the conversation.”
Polling station
Only about a quarter of voters aged 18 to 26 approve of President Joe Biden’s performance on the job, according to a new survey from GenForward, an annual poll out of the University of Chicago focused on young people and how issues of race and identity affect their political views.
It’s another troubling datapoint for Biden, who is already shedding support among young voters due to his staunch support for Israel’s government in its war in Gaza.
A telling crosstab from the survey shows just how broadly the Israel-Palestine issue resonates with young voters. When asked if they are more sympathetic toward Israelis or Palestinians, or both, 26 percent of those aged 18 to 26 said Palestinians, 19 percent said Israelis, and 22 percent said both.
Black, Latino, and Asian-American Pacific Islander voters were also all more likely to say the United States is too supportive of Israel, compared to white respondents.
The only majority position the poll found regarding the conflict was 52 percent of respondents saying their preferred resolution is a conventional two-state solution.
Off The Beaten Path
Don’t Talk To Me Or My Son Ever Again. Nikki Haley’s college-aged son has been a fixture of her stump speeches. She usually mentions 22-year-old Nalin, a student at Villanova University, in the context of cancel culture and “indoctrination” on college campuses. She’s repeatedly said, without specifying as to which subjects, that Nalin writes essays “he doesn't even believe in just to get an A.”
At a recent event in New Hampshire, The Daily Beast asked Haley which subjects, exactly, were putting her son in such an ethical quandary.
Initially, Haley deflected. “Ask any college student in America,” she said, and they’ll tell you about the censorship pressures they face.
But as for her son, who she keeps mentioning in her stump speech?
“Well I’m not going to talk about the personal side of my son,” Haley said. “He’s off-limits.”
A brief awkward silence ensued.
“But I will tell you, when you look at that, ask any college student here, any college student in Iowa, any college student around the country and ask them if they feel judged by the views that they put in the college paper, and they do,” Haley said, even though she refers to her son writing essays in the speech.
“And they do,” Haley continued. “What we want to remind college professors is, your job is to show them how to think, not what to think. Students don’t feel that right now. They feel they’re being told what to think, and that’s wrong.”
Campaign Lit
Mar-a-Legal Fees. Trump’s legal defense fund is spending none of its funds on legal defense, and most of them at the former president’s Florida estate, Roger Sollenberger reports.
Scoreboard. The Trump campaign is pushing a new version of their “incumbent” strategy to the limit in the home stretch of the campaign, Jake Lahut reports.
End of an era. Bill Belichick’s New England Patriots are so terrible this season that, for the first time in decades, it has become socially acceptable for candidates to campaign during game days in New Hampshire, Lisa Kashinsky reports for Politico.
Dean’s 42 percent dream. Dean Phillips’ campaign against Biden is offering gift cards for attendees to stick around at their events and set a target of 42 percent support in New Hampshire as a benchmark for success, Edward-Isaac Dovere reports for CNN.
Emerging problems. Emerge America, which emerged as a power player around 2016 training Democratic women to run for office, is in disarray heading into 2024, Mel Leonor Barclay and Grace Panetta report for The 19th.
