It appears increasingly likely that the 2020 Democratic primary field will be the most wide open in recent memory, and perhaps in the history of American politics. As candidates move through the nomination process, there are already arguments being made as to the strengths—and weaknesses—of those who have entered the field and their chances in a general election against President Trump.
JOE BIDEN
Date of campaign launch: April 25, 2019
ADVERTISEMENT
Among all the possible candidates to run, Joe Biden has the clearest set of strengths and weaknesses—a byproduct of his extended time in politics. He provides a nostalgia factor for Democratic voters still holding onto the Obama era and has been one of the few prospective candidates whom advisers and consultants have argued can woo back Democrats in the Midwest, which flipped from Obama to President Trump in the 2016 election.
His fundraising prowess was on full display within 24 hours of his launch. Biden raised $6.3 million in his first day as a candidate. He ended the first quarter with a massive $20 million, cementing his status as the frontrunner in the ever-growing Democratic field.
Polling and Perception:
Biden, who has served in office since 1973, has argued that he has the requisite experience needed to occupy the White House, something that voters were attracted to in an early Des Moines Register poll of Iowans.
Yet, that very experience has already put hot water early on with a lot of Democratic primary voters. Biden’s long record in the Senate in particular has opened him up to criticism—particularly his public grilling of Anita Hill during then-Judge Clarence Thomas’ Supreme Court confirmation hearings in 1991, his votes on the 1994 crime bill, and the repeal of the Glass-Steagall Act in 1999, which is credited with laying the groundwork for the financial crisis nine years later. Biden also faced backlash for professed dedication to working with politicians of all stripes. In early June, Biden came under fire for appearing to wax nostalgic to a group of donors about his ability to work with segregationist senators even though he didn’t agree with them.
Still, in other cases, like with same-sex marriage, Biden can lay claim to having been ahead of the curve; or, at least, ahead of President Obama when it came to embracing legislative and executive action.
It’s unclear whether Biden’s age would be determinative in support levels, but there are indications that the primary electorate is looking for generational change in leadership, which could present a challenge down the line. Biden risks being portrayed as ideologically out of touch with the modern party should he make no adjustments in his beliefs—particularly on climate change, Medicare for All and free college tuition. On some topics, however, Biden has appeared to realize he must change. In June, the former vice president was forced to change his long-held position on the Hyde Amendment, which bars federal funding for abortion. Biden supported Hyde for years, citing his Catholic faith, but given the steady roll back of abortion rights around the country, paired with a newly conservative Supreme Court, it became clear it’s no longer a stance the party’s potential standard bearer could hold.
The early controversies have not seemed hurt Biden in public polling. As the first debates near, no one in vast Democratic field has managed to surpass Biden in a single national poll.
